Dating while homeless
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Runaway and Homeless Youth Act. Nikki tries to trick him into giving him a dinner, but that plan fails. Annie goes to see Liam in the hospital. However, social data suggests similar rates of homeless males and females. When he holds a bachelor party there, he has a stripper over. Debbie and Harry attempt to pry at Jasper's social life, which causes Annie to blow a gasket and she loses her mind and snaps at how ignorant the elements of West Beverly are. There has been some opposition to this kind of tracking by privacy advocacy groups, such as. However, some who can afford housing live in a motel by choice. Retrieved 17 September 2014.
In particular, it will posit that structural and individual factors are often inextricably linked in the cycle of poverty and homelessness, and that they tend to re-enforce each other as they are manifest socially, politically, and economically in American society. And yet, the degree to which structural or individual factors play the most decisive role in contributing to homelessness in a particular case varies significantly depending upon the specific circumstances of that case. As a result, the first section of this essay will outline some of the broad-based structural and individual factors which largely account for poverty and homelessness in the American context. The second section will then analyze the relative strengths and weaknesses of these differing factors as they play out in the lives of the majority of the American homeless. Poverty has existed in some form in American society since the founding of the nation in the late eighteenth century. Moreover, the United States in the post-World War II era has occupied an unchallenged hegemonic position in the capitalist West which has resulted in the dramatic expansion of the American economy and its capacity to raise the standards of living for the American populace. Indeed, one in four of children under the age of six currently lives below the poverty line. But what are the specific economic reasons for the rise in homelessness within the framework of these general contemporary conditions of poverty? And what additional structural problems account for homelessness in America today? Consequently, between 1980-1988, 88% of all new jobs created were in the service sector. In addition, the labor market is increasingly dividing workers by education and skills. For minority groups like African-Americans and Latinos, these realities are often felt even more deeply, given their historical legacy of battling with structural racism and generally worse conditions of poverty than their white counterparts throughout the twentieth century. This structural transformation in the American economy was highly exacerbated by the conservative, neo-classical fiscal policies of the Reagan administration. These policies followed on the heels of the recession of the late 1970s which, by 1982, had left 10 percent of the workforce unemployed. Moreover, once they are homeless they find it increasingly difficult to get themselves back into affordable housing. There are several causal explanations for this new phenomenon. First, is the loss of housing units and the failure of government and private contractors to build new low-cost homes. Indeed, while in 1970 there was a surplus of approximately 2. Third, is the federal government's withdrawal from housing production. He argues that, in fact, most of the rent-burden increase in housing occurred in the 1970s before the homelessness crisis, while low-income tenant's burden rose very little in the 1980s. The United States taxed less and spent less per capita on social welfare, broadly defined, than did all other industrialized nations of the West. Collectively, these have all helped create the unstable environment for the poor that has contributed significantly to the rise in homelessness over the past 20 years. In addition, once homeless, people find themselves even more dependent on the same systems that have already failed them once. This does not bode well for the future of poverty and homelessness in America. Indeed, it appears as though this trend will only further exacerbate this already critically pressing societal problem. Chief among the factors most often cited are alcohol and drug abuse, mental illness, the rise in dysfunctional and single mother families, and general laziness and lack of initiative among certain segments of the population. First, while alcohol abuse has existed in American society throughout the twentieth century, the argument suggests that transformations in the illicit drug market in the 1 980s qualitatively altered the impact substance abuse has had on the lives of the poor. Drug use, however, is in most ways a personal decision. Therefore, many people feel that the homeless who do abuse alcohol and drugs are largely responsible for their own predicament. Clearly, the structural problems created by de-institutionalization and similar policies throughout the 1980s are at the root of this assessment. As Jencks notes, the mental health policies of limiting involuntary commitment and allowing state hospitals to discharge patients with nowhere to go were a complete disaster. Indeed, in 1987, 100,000 working-age Americans with mental problems so severe that they could not hold a job were homeless. In addition, they are usually incapable of finding work, receiving their social benefits, and generally dealing with the myriad of complex issues that are thrown up by homelessness. As a result, the argument goes, while structural forces may have thrown mental patients into the streets, their mental illness certainly contributed to the rise of homelessness in the 1 980s by keeping them permanently bound there. Third, some attribute contemporary homelessness to the increase in dysfunctional and single, female headed households. It is clear, therefore, that the increase in female headed households over the last twenty years has, at least to some extent, been a contributing factor to the increase in the rate of homelessness in America. Ironically, this argument arose out of a structural analysis of the conditions of poverty in the 1960s. However, it came to represent the idea that poor people are inherently apathetic, alienated, lazy, unambitious, and especially, disorganized and fatalistic due to the circumstances in which they live. Moreover, this culture of poverty is familial and intergenerational. This view posits that these inherent traits are the primary reasons why poor people fall into homelessness. By extension, this argument implies that the homeless themselves are primarily responsible for their contemporary predicament. While many of these traits do characterize the homeless population, it is often difficult to discern whether or not they are the cause or the actual product of homelessness. Moreover, in many cases they are necessary but not sufficient elements to throw people into homelessness. Indeed, the presence of an unstable structural environment is usually the key factor in determining whether or not a poor person is at risk of becoming homeless. Once homeless, people are faced with a new and overwhelming set of obstacles. These include the mentally ill, alcohol or drug addicted, female heads of single households, children, runaway youth, veterans, elderly, families, and some of the working poor. As a result, the degree to which structural or individual factors play the decisive role in determining a person's homelessness varies greatly depending upon the particular case in question. Therefore, no wide-ranging, universal conclusions can be drawn about the relative contribution of structural or individual factors to the rise of homelessness over the last twenty years. However, it can definitely be stated that the two factors have been inexorably linked together in causing homelessness, and have re-enforced each other over the past twenty years in sustaining poverty and homelessness in the American context. For instance, the majority 75 percent of shelters restrict admission to certain segments of the homeless population while offering some potential services to their residents. However, a congregate shelter that makes strict rules will also drive away many of its potential clients because many find such rules patronizing, difficult to follow, or both. This dilemma ultimately speaks to one of the central issues of contemporary homelessness in America. That is, what should be the goal of policies aimed at dealing with homelessness in America, and what are the most effective methods of achieving that goal? New York: Oxford University Press, 1990. Homelessness in the Bay Area: Transform Basic Causes - Meet Human Needs. The Center for Common Concerns, 1994. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1994. Understanding the Nature of Poverty in Urban America. America's Struggle Against Poverty: 1900-1994. Carnbridge: Harvard University Press, 1994.
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